Making Lemonade Out Of Campaign Finance Reform
By Judson Cox (12/18/03)
In the words of Justice Thomas, Campaign Finance Reform is the greatest assault on the First Amendment "since the Civil War." This collection of laws imperils our entire Constitution. Which of our other constitutionally enshrined rights and limitations on government may be undone by legislative action and approved by judicial fiat next?
Political leaders are a ruling elite, intoxicated by power and often insulated from the concerns of Average Americans. They associate mostly with each other and are governed by a collegial group-think centered on re-election. Their power is contingent upon seniority and favors owed. To gain re-election, any blow against the constitution that can be couched as reform, any entitlement or pork spending will be embraced. Every expansion of government can be justified as beneficial to some group, making for good P.R. and flowery speeches. The inclination of government is expansion, no matter which party is in power.
Thirty years ago, conservatism was considered a kooky notion advanced by such "extremists" as Senator Barry Goldwater. The Republican Party was run by Rockefeller and Nixon, fiscal liberals and social moderates. The Reagan revolution, the rise of conservative media and the Contract with America secured conservative dominance within the party. The D.C. elite changed little. For instance, I am aware of a southern Goldwater Republican Congressman who spends his weekends with Sen. Kennedy at Martha's Vineyard, and vacations at Rep. Charles Wrangle's palatial estate in the Dominican Republic. The elite still belong to the same club. Even President Bush, a "compassionate conservative," who spends his free time at his Texas ranch, has not been able to resist expanding government at a rate not seen since LBJ's Great Society.
The conservative movement began at the grass roots. For this reason, Campaign Finance Reform may offer conservatives an opportunity to counterbalance the self interest of the elite. The laws weaken the power of political parties, by limiting soft money. Parties will have less money for voter education and get out the vote drives. The laws ban advertisements on TV or radio about candidates within 30 days of a primary or 60 days of a general election. These restrictions necessitate that voters be informed of the records of incumbents and educated on the issues on a year-round basis - a task that the parties cannot accomplish.
Poised to fill this vacuum are nonprofit educational foundations. In interest of disclosure, I am the Director of Communications for an educational foundation, the Foundation for Conservative American Values (http://FCAV.latest-info.com ). Educational foundations, along with think tanks and PACS can advance ideologies as opposed to political parties and candidates. They educate the electorate and foster greater accountability of elected officials. Educational foundations can work in areas marginalized by political power brokers, from communities that vote along racial lines, to colleges, churches and retirees. They can introduce diversity of opinion into areas dominated by liberal ideologues that use communities to advance their personal power.
A generational shift is aligning younger voters more with the Republican Party. While older generations have tended to be FDR or JFK Democrats, today's youth identify with George W. Bush. September 11, 2001 caused them to have concern over national security, to be more nationalistic and to see President Bush as the leader standing atop the rubble. This is great news for the Republican Party, but will mean little good for our nation if conservative principles are swept under a rug of big government "compassion."
This need not be the case; today's youth are more conservative than their recent predecessors. Across the nation, students are holding their professors accountable for anti-American bigotry; they are demanding ideological diversity and heckling left-wing ideologues that were once held in reverent awe. As is natural, most students are apolitical and many are liberal; however, there is now a strong pro-American sentiment. Along with the libertarian leanings of generations X and Y, there is a great opportunity for the advancement of the Goldwater Doctrine of limited government and Constitutional principals.
This opportunity will also allow the radical left to gain control of the message of Democrats. Among Democrats, the greatest grass roots support is for Howard Dean. Dean's support does not come from within the Democratic Party; indeed, they are often opposed to him. Freed from party control, Dean's supporters will shape the message - a message opposed by the majority of Americans. If we seize this opportunity, there is great hope for America.
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